Chapter 1297: Survive the Light
After all, the leadership of the Russian Labor Party regime is very powerful, especially in terms of the overall situation. For the safety of the new regime, he can offer chips that will attract the attention of the allies.
Although this was considered "selling out" by the former Russian government, from a realistic point of view, the current Russian leadership is not seeking changes in Russia alone, but changes that will sweep the world.
This depends on the ideas of the early World Labor Party and its attitude towards the country. The struggle of the Labor Party is mainly based on class to determine the hostile relationship, and the country is a tool of class rule. Therefore, the ideal of the Russian Labor Party is to eliminate the "country" as an organizational form.
Therefore, at this stage, the Russian Labor Party is not just "Russian", but an international political party with the world pattern as its dimension.
From this perspective, the Russian Labor Party ceded a large area of territory in the past to seek to withdraw from World War I. They had no psychological burden. After all, what they wanted was to retain the "spark" of seizing the entire world change and avoid the mistakes made in Paris before.
Of course, this is the mainstream cognition of the Russian Labor Party at present, which is idealistic. Some of them must still hold narrow cognitions such as "nationalism" and "statism".
On the contrary, the latter is not what feudal monarchs like Ernst are afraid of. After all, East Africa is essentially this kind of country. The big governmentism and extreme "Rhine" nationalism promoted in East Africa are all of this type.
In short, Ernst believes that the Allies will inevitably negotiate peace with the Russian Labor Party. In this way, other countries are even less likely to interfere in Russia's internal affairs.
For example, the last time the Paris Labor Party failed, their failure could be said to be that they did not have such a good opportunity as Russia. Facing the joint encirclement and suppression of Prussia and their own country, they were eventually strangled.
After hearing what Ernst said, Ambassador Baranov became depressed.
At this time, it was simply a daydream to expect the Allies to help Russia quell the rebellion. After all, as former enemies, the Allies hated the previous Tsarist government and the Russian Provisional Government.
Although the Allies also hated the Russian Labor Party, they hated the Tsarist government and the Provisional Government who insisted on war even more.
Throughout the Eastern Front, Russia invested nearly 10 million troops, causing heavy casualties to the Allies. If it weren't for Russia, Germany and Austria would have dealt with Britain and France long ago.
Baranov naturally knew the reason, but he still said sincerely: "Your Majesty, the situation in Russia is now very critical. I still hope that your country can do its utmost to eliminate the Russian rebels."
"As I said before, the Labor Party is not only a threat to Russia, but a threat to the whole world. Once they succeed, it is very likely to set off a countercurrent around the world and eventually threaten East Africa."
Faced with this world-changing force of confiscating property and beheading, the reactionary forces in the world are all afraid, but Ernst is an exception.
If there were no experience in the previous life, Ernst might be afraid of the Russian Labor Party, but it was precisely because of the cognition of the previous life that Ernst did not think that the Russian Labor Party could succeed. Such a regime will sooner or later fail to withstand the test of human nature and become corrupt, unless there is a capable and ruthless person like Vladimir or Joseph.
Of course, although the prospects of the Russian Labor Party are not optimistic, East Africa has to be on guard, especially to resist the strong ideological output impact before its corruption.
So Ernst said: "Ambassador Baranov, you can rest assured that we in East Africa will never agree with the Labor Party's ideas. Next, our government will contact the United States and other countries to jointly deal with the threat of the Russian Labor Party."
"Of course, we in East Africa can only do our best. As I said before, East Africa is out of reach of Russia, and the British and German parties probably won't trust us too much."
"So whether you can finally regain national power depends on your own people in the country to unite. Now you should put aside your prejudices and jointly deal with the Russian Labor Party, the mortal enemy."
Ernst is naturally referring to the three reactionary forces of the Russian nobles, bureaucrats and capitalists. If they can unite, they may really be able to extinguish the flames of Russia.
At this time, Russia still has a large number of areas in the hands of these reactionary forces. They have money, troops, and territory. The only thing they lack is leadership to integrate these resources.
Ernst's statement naturally attracted the gratitude of Ambassador Baranov. After all, at this time, Baranov and other Russian political forces still held the mentality that they had the upper hand.
They didn't know how powerful the opponent they would face next would be. After all, the Russian Labor Party could unite the majority of Russians, while Baranov's side was originally small and had eight hundred minds. Ernst was not optimistic about their performance next.
Of course, Ernst would definitely not say such words that were not conducive to the unity of imperialism in front of Baranov.
Not to mention the current situation in Russia, even East Africa, a country with a relatively stable society, would probably be more difficult to face the ideological invasion of the Labor Party, and Ernst was actually unwilling to eliminate the Russian Labor Party to a certain extent.
Although he was a typical feudal monarch, Ernst was familiar with the truth that "if there is no law at home and no people at home, and if there is no enemy abroad, the country will always perish."
The Russian Labor Party regime can play the role of "enemy foreign troubles" very well, thereby forcing the development of East Africa.
In fact, the most difficult problem to solve in reforms is the problem of the group of people in the middle of the pyramid. They form a powerful collective that cannot be moved from above or lifted from below. For example, the reform of Alexander II is a typical case.
Unless someone puts a knife on their necks, they will suddenly become "conscientious" only when they feel the threat of death, but only when the knife is on their necks.
If there is the knife of the Russian Labor Party, Ernst can adjust his policies in East Africa in the future, just like the United States during the Cold War.
Of course, the degree must be grasped, otherwise the first thing the knife will cut is Ernst's head.
So Ernst has begun to calculate how to use the Russian Labor Party while being wary of the Russian Labor Party's infiltration into East Africa. This can also be regarded as a kind of self-respect of raising "bandits".
In the final analysis, Ernst, a feudal remnant, still has a little pitiful "conscience". After all, if East Africa wants to stabilize its regime, it can only continue to develop, and development cannot remain unchanged. Even imperialist countries like East Africa must learn to keep pace with the times.
With the experience of his previous life, Ernst naturally knew how to deal with the Russian Labor Party regime. After all, the United States had already given a model in his previous life. So after sorting out his thoughts, Ernst still believed that the Russian Labor Party was not terrible.
As long as East Africa survives the scorching sun of the early days of the Russian Labor Party regime, it will always be able to wait for its dusk and finally usher in its darkness. After surviving the light, the Russian Labor Party will naturally not pose a threat. Of course, Ernst would rather call it a red imperialist country at that time.
Ernst said: "Before that, Ambassador Baranov, you'd better get in touch with other countries. After all, East Africa wants to help Russia, and other countries probably won't see it that way."
"And Crown Prince Alexei, the three of you should continue to stay in East Africa for the time being! It won't be too late to return home after Russia finally settles down."
This is also a kind reminder from Ernst. After all, Alexei, Maria, and Anastasia are registered with the Russian Labor Party. If they return to Russia at this time, there is only one way to go.
The third sister, Princess Maria, naturally didn't know Ernst's thoughts. What she was most worried about at the moment was the safety of her parents and sisters. As for the safety of the Russian Empire, it was what she had to consider from beginning to end.
She said with a slightly choked voice: "Your Majesty, what about my father and his family? Please help my father and his family escape from Russia."
Facing the helpless Russian princess in front of him, Ernst could only comfort her: "Of course there is no problem. We will send people to rescue Nicholas II and his family as much as possible. Of course, the final result can only be left to God's arrangement."